May 20th 2002: Jubilation as East Timor becomes the first new state of the twenty-first century, having finally emerged from a history drenched in and almost fatigued by oppression. Independence was elusive for East Timor for centuries, and in the wake of their long suffering achievement, the Timorese people, although left traumatized and impoverished, gave a new precedent to the word courage. They were a shining example to the world of how a spirit of unity backed with determination was able to triumph in the face of the most insurmountable obstacles. It was a time of celebration where the people brimmed with hope and optimism for the future. However, recent turmoil has incited doubts as to whether or not independence for East Timor was premature.

In the last four months, readers from around the world have been confounded with an embroiling inability to grasp the logic of sudden events. What has developed is absolute chaos and anarchy: demonstrating civilians were shot dead, there has been rioting, looting and arson; forcing almost 150,000 people from their homes, a potential government scandal, government officials resigning, the prime minister resigning, and even the threat of the president resigning. The current unrest could see the demise of the world newest nation.

In late April, nearly 600 sacked army officers went to the streets of Dili to air their grievances. The officers had left their barracks in early February complaining of discrimination. They believed that officers from the eastern side of the country were favoured over officers from the west. The Prime Minister's solution was to dismiss the soldiers. The demonstrations that hooligans in the crowd tainted followed dismissal, conducted by the self-labelled 'petitioners' from the west and their supporters. The regular police and riot police were unable to contain them. The Prime Minister's solution: dispatch the army. The army opened fire on protesters, and by the nightfall on April 28, 60 civilians were shot - five of them dead.

The split within the security forces proliferated as dissident military police, under Lieutenant Commander Alfredo Reinado, joined rebel soldiers in the hills above Dili. Major Reinado rebelled in disgust after he witnessed first hand the government's corrupt misuse of army forces against the petitioners' protests. Furthermore, former Falantil guerilla, Vicentre da Conceicao, also known as 'Commander Railos', told President Gusmao, his group had been armed after a meeting between interior minister Nicolau Lobato and Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri. The two politicians had requested, upon much discussion at Mr Alkatiri's house, that commander Railos and his group form a secret Fretilin security force to intimidate political opponents. An Australian television program also procured commander Railos, and were able to compile defamatory footage which implicated Lobato, and more tenuously, Prime Minister Alkatiri's involvement in a corrupt criminal campaign to arm civilians in a bid for political supremacy.

Meanwhile, the people of East Timor tear each other apart, violence and mayhem has escalated. On May 26, nine unarmed police were shot dead by troops in Dili. Security has collapsed and riots continue with the added viciousness of looting and arson. Thousands of people have been forced to leave their homes and take refuge in makeshift camps. In late May, foreign peacekeeping troops from Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand and Portugal arrived by request of Jose Ramos-Horta. Jose Ramos-Horta is East Timor's highly revered Foreign Minister. He was jointly awarded a Nobel Prize in 1996, for raising international awareness of East Timor's struggle for independence.

On June 25, he resigned, saying he no longer wanted to be part of an Alkatiri government. President Xanana Gusmao, who is seen as almost a demigod in the eyes of the Timorese people, also threatened to resign, saying he was ashamed of the country's political leaders. Tensions between key government politicians have become overtly prevalent. Finally on June 26, Prime Minster, Mari Alkatiri folds under immense pressure and resigns. Although blamed (possibly as a scapegoat) for the violence in the last four months, his resignation has done little to quell the unrest.

The past month's escalated events can be attributed to many factors, including the resentments harboured since the civil war, before the Indonesian take over in the mid 1970's. East Timor is known to have had a history fraught with tribal and regional division. The civil war that was prematurely interrupted by Indonesian forces seems to have mutated into present day dilemmas. If this is the case, the partition of the people has endured throughout time. What seemed like a tear that began initially within the armed forces and spread like wild fire, causing a great divide amongst the Timorese people (east versus west), and most disturbingly within the residing government, only lay dormant for thirty odd years. It is these complex issues that need to be resolved; they impede the already colossal task of building a nation. East Timor's future is even more fragile and difficult than initially expected.

It has only been a year from which the UN withdrew its forces, confident that East Timor could fend for itself. The re-injection of foreign peacekeeping after such a short period makes long-term prospects for the world's youngest nation seem dubious. When East Timor achieved their independence, they were literally building a nation from scratch, as Jose Ramos stated: "We are starting from absolutely ground zero." Where a strong security force and an efficient and stable government are key ingredients for building a successful nation, East Timor falters. Therefore, not only are the Timorese building a nation from scratch, they are in dire need of leadership and someone to trust, someone who will instil unity among the people and ease past resentments.